Europe and Me

For as long as I can remember, I've been deeply fascinated by all things related to the rest of Europe. As a child I would browse maps, and try to imagine the lives of people in what seemed like impossibly exotic locations. I knew that Keflavik was an Icelandic football team, Switzerland had four official languages and Hungarian was not an Indo-European language. The party piece, which I later developed, of being able to name the vast majority of European countries in their own languages speaks volumes for my fascination with Europe, as well as explaining why parties were never my forte.

Unlike many of my compatriots, I tend not to conflate European with Continental. To my mind, the British Isles are as much a part of the European story as the contiguous nations of the European peninsula.

These thoughts were brought to mind recently by events surrounding the Greek debt crisis, the future of the euro, and the recent tragedy in Norway. Greece's problems have led to calls for the abolition of the euro and, even the end of the European Union. At home, the Chancellor uses the Greek example rather like a parent threatening a recalcitrant child: accept your foul-tasting medicine or you'll end up like those Greeks. The use of the defence of European culture as justification for the massacre in Norway has re-focused attention on the holders of extreme right-wing views throughout Europe.

There have always been loud voices decrying the very idea of a European community. At best, these voices admit the benefits of a purely trade-based area: at worst they express a wish to retreat into a nationalistic shell, believing that this will enable their own nation to flourish without, as they see it, interference from 'Brussels'.  Of course, the EU is also an easy scapegoat for political populists to fall upon when attempting to disguise failings closer to home. What has to be remembered is that, whether they like it or not, these people are Europeans. Some recognise themselves as Europeans but do not see the positive aspect of that association or, and this attitude is more prevalent on this side of the English Channel, they do not see themselves as European at all.

Throughout human history, cultures, communities and polities have flexed; expanding and contracting with the flow of events. The only existing fragment of the once mighty Holy Roman Empire is Liechtenstein; the British Empire, which until fairly recently covered a quarter of the globe, is now made up of a few scattered dependencies; to name but two examples. Despite this evidence, there seems to be a belief that freezing, or even reversing, time is not only possible but desirable. Many commentators on the British right hark back to a halcyon age, generally placed around 1955, when children gambolled in crime-free streets, the summers were warm and endless, and wealth was abundant and accessible by all. The left tend to place this golden era a little later, at the height of trades union power. This is a human trait; on a personal level we often look back to particular times in our lives and wish they could have lasted for ever. However, on the national and international stage, as on the personal, these dreams are impossible to realise. For one thing, the reality of those times was always somewhat different to our memories of them. More importantly, the only immutable truth related to change is that it happens. It is the way that we adapt to change that is important. That is not to say that we should sit idly by and let events overtake us, but take each challenge on its merits and pragmatically reason the best course of action.

It was the contemplation of this idea of change, in conjunction with recent events that led me to look at the European idea and try to better understand my own personal position with regard to it. Whilst doing so, I found that a number of seemingly conflicting factors needed to be reconciled. 

Firstly, the idea of Europe, as opposed to Christendom, as a discrete entity probably only dates back to the humanist ideas of the Enlightenment. However, it has gained more traction in the last sixty-five years or so, mainly as a result of the last global conflagration. The desire to put an end to the devastating cycle of wars fought on European soil drove, and continues to drive, a great deal of the thinking behind pan-European solidarity. A strong case is also made for the benefits of trading as a block of several hundred million people, rather than as smaller national entities, in an ever more competitive global market place.

Then there is the question of national sovereignty and pride. Pride, unlike sovereignty, is a personal concept. Perhaps being born in England, with an English mother who was born in India, and a Welsh father has influenced my fairly pluralistic attitude. From my perspective, it is easy to see how loyalty to different entities can co-exist within one person. One also sees the problems that this can cause, but also that they can be overcome. Transpose this onto the international stage and one sees that the application of a little intelligence and pragmatism can be brought to bear when considering the issues surrounding national, or even regional, identity in relation to the pan-European ideal. Unfortunately those qualities are all too often buried under an avalanche of populist rhetoric.

Europe's relationship with non-Europeans, and indeed those European citizens who hail from a non-European background, is another factor to consider, along with inter-European migration. An important contribution to the economic, cultural and political life of most European countries has been made by the integration of non-European influences, as well as cross-pollination between European cultures.  

The idea that European (meaning white and Christian) supremacy over other races is the natural state of being for humanity persists, and maybe even thrives, in some quarters today. Like all ideas, a diametrically opposed position is taken by those who seek to assuage, by whatever means possible, the guilt arising from the appalling treatment of non-Europeans by European empires in the past.

Taking all of these factors into account, I find myself inexorably drawn to the idea that it is possible to define a high-level personal position on Europe that takes into account all of the contributing factors. In other words, it is possible to support European collaboration and be proud of your individual nationality. By the same token, one can, at the same time take pride in the historical achievements of European culture and appreciate the contribution of the rest of the world to the cultural field. One can look back on episodes such as the slave trade and feel the guilt inherited from one's forefathers' actions whilst at the same time feeling pride in belonging to a nation, and indeed a continent, which has long been able to integrate and encourage newcomers whilst at the same time exporting many good ideas to the rest of the world.

Leaving all of the economic and political arguments aside, there is something rather magical about being part of a union that contains Latvians and Portuguese; Finns and Cypriots. Although most European nations live with the threat of terrorist action, it is comforting to live in a Europe in which it is hard to foresee the full-scale wars of the past returning in the near future. The fact that, aside from the tragic example of the former Yugoslavia, the European peninsula (strictly speaking it is not a continent) has not seen a pitched battle since the end of WWII is an endorsement of the pan-European ideal. Admittedly, the Warsaw Pact held together the Eastern half of Europe by coercion for a large period of that time, but the desire of the former Soviet-bloc nations for union with Europe was always latent and burst into life following the relaxing of the Soviet grip.

Of course, considering and defining a personal position on Europe does not equate to the ability to resolve all its ills. But perhaps it behoves politicians of all persuasions to stop a moment and contemplate the basic ideas behind Europe as a political, cultural and trading entity. Stepping back from national self-interest in order to consider how to strengthen European ties does not mean abandoning the national interest altogether, as some would have us believe.    

Europe as a whole seems to be going through an existential crisis at present. The ways in which its leaders manage the expectations of its people, counter the dissenting internal voices and shape Europe's ties with the rest of the world will have lasting consequences for the continent and indeed the world.